This technique is utilized to improve the force factor. At whatever point an inductive burden is associated with the transmission line, power factor slacks on account of slacking load current.
To redress, a shunt capacitor is associated which draws the current driving the source voltage. The net outcome is an improvement in the force factor.
This strategy is utilized either while charging the transmission line, or when there is a low burden at the less than desirable end. Because of extremely low, or no heap and nbsp;— low current moves through the transmission line. Shunt capacitance in the transmission line causes voltage enhancement Ferranti impact. The less than desirable end voltage may turn out to be twofold the sending end voltage for the most part if there should be an occurrence of exceptionally long transmission lines.
To redress, shunt inductors are associated across the transmission line. The force moveability is consequently expanded relying on the force condition. Precisely exchanged capacitor MSC : the capacitor is exchanged by an electrical switch.
He then enumerated the advantages of a League Government in the Frontier, and stressed that the Viceroy should explain them to Cunningham. Jinnah added that he was most anxious to see this happen, since he was convinced that there could be no better advertisement of the real position of India, whether before the country or throughout the world. Ironically, the greatest single impediment in the combined policy of the Muslim League and the British Government was the Frontier Province itself.
First, it had the largest majority of Muslims, secondly, it had a strategic location relative to Russia. The fact that this province was governed by the Khudai Khidmatgars instead of the League went against the British external and internal policy. Jinnah's attention was riveted upon this issue. Hence his insistence was that Cunningham should help in establishing the League.
In previous elections not even one League candidate filed his nomination papers. The Viceroy reassured Jinnah, "I would communicate his news to the Governor and he [Jinnah] and his friends would in due course, and by one means or the other, be put in possession of the Governor's view.
Jinnah's brash question, "What do we do now? I said I would see the text of the item. The English wanted to make Muslims realize that to obtain British patronage, they should throw in their lot with the League. The Viceroy had no hesitation in propagating this attitude. On 21 April he wrote, assuring the Secretary of State for India, that he need have no fears. If a Congress confrontation occurred then: All I can say is that if Congress are set on having a fight here, they are going to have a fight not only with us, but also with the Muslims.
To summarize, the British attitude was that if the Congress was out for a confrontation, 'we are not alone! We are wearing the colours of our beloved! At this time, the League was like a sandbag, which the British were using as a buffer. If the Congress took the offensive, the sandbag would take the brunt of it leaving the British unscathed. What better means of self-preservation could they have discovered?
If the Muslim League was prepared to put the chain of slavery around India, what better token of friendship and love for the British regime could it offer? Therefore, various sub-committees started preparing a concrete plan of action. He suggested that the North Western part of India should be separated from the rest of the continent, in a manner similar to Burma, and a new country, Pakistan, should be created. The Secretary said that he saw "almost insuperable difficulties in the way of our acceptance of such a policy.
Chaudhry Rehmat Ali, a student of Cambridge, had an esoteric scheme for Pakistan. Sir Mohammad Iqbal proposed yet another format. What remained to be seen was what the British had up their sleeves? The final decision rested with the British. When the British saw that their objectives could not be met by the schemes presented by Sikander Hayat Khan or the Muslim League Working Committee, they unilaterally rejected all the proposals submitted by the Muslims.
Chaudhry Zafarullah, a member of the Viceroy's Executive Council, was asked to submit a map of two dominions.
Two Dominion States. I have already sent it to your attention. I have also asked him for further clarification, which, he says, is forthcoming. He is anxious, however, that no one should find out that he has prepared this plan. He has, however, given me the right to do with it what I like, including sending a copy to you. While he, Zafarullah, cannot admit its authorship, his document has been prepared for adoption by the Muslim League with a view to giving it the fullest publicity.
The Viceroy explains this further. Since Zafarullah was a Qadiani he had to be cautious. The Muslims would become irritated if they found that this scheme was prepared by a Qadiani. The Viceroy said that Jinnah had been given a copy to make the Muslim League adopt it and publicise its contents. Sir Akbar was given a copy because he was responsible for fund raising. The dates take on a special significance.
The Viceroy' s letter to the Secretary of State was written on 12 April It was called Pakistan Agreement. Due to his loyal service, however, the term was extended. Two days after the Muslim League had adopted this proposal, on 25 March , the Viceroy wrote: The Congress are putting forward a preposterous claim which they know is incapable of being accepted.
He [Jinnah] will put forward just as extreme a claim, of the impracticability of realising which he is probably just well aware; but the existence of which, will, while reaffirming the Muslim attitude of hostility to the Congress scheme, take away some, at any rate, of the damaging charges which are hitherto being levelled against them [Muslim League] that they have no constructive ideas of their own.
It was natural, then, for the British to refuse to recognize the existence of any party other than the Muslim League. During those days, a large representative gathering of nationalist Muslims was held in Delhi.
On 14 May It has been well organised and the Congress press machine has written it up admirably We both are, of course, aware that there is a not unimportant Muslim element outside the Muslim League The British deliberately ignored those Muslims, who, along with the Congress, were struggling for freedom.
Their very faith was called "questionable". More than representatives, who had gathered together under the leadership of an elected Chief Minister, were totally disregarded. The Viceroy did not mince his words when he wrote to the Secretary of State that "Jinnah is our man and we accept him as a representative of all Muslims. The objection to other Muslims was that they were not assisting the British but the Khaksars, in all humility, had offered help.
On 24 May , the Viceroy wrote, "Meanwhile the Khaksars have formally renewed their offer to me of 50, men to help in the war. The British were trying to make it very clear to every Indian Muslim that except Jinnah and the Muslim League, they were not ready lo accept any other party. To gain British support, the Muslims were obliged to join the Muslim League. Earlier, the British had severed relations with the Congress because they were not prepared to assist them in me war against Germany.
Their inconsistency becomes evident in their refusing the help of 50, Khaksars, while at the same time, 42 Facts are Facts 43 rejecting the Congress because they did not offer 50, men to fight the same war! On 14 May , at the end of his term, Lord Zetland wrote his farewell letter. The new Secretary of State for India L. Amery's first letter is dated 16 May Jinnah and State Governments: When the Congress resigned from eight provinces, pursuant to Section 93, the Governor's rule was established.
Jinnah requested the Viceroy to appoint political, unofficial advisers in each one of these eight provinces. This meant that the Muslim League would assume an advisory role in each one of the provinces vacated by the Congress Government. According to Jinnah's proposal, "Hindu provinces" should also have been handed over to the Muslim League.
Not only did the League have no official status in any of these provinces, it had never won a single election! Therefore, by making this demand, Jinnah finally incurred the displeasure of the British.
The Viceroy wrote on 10 July I hope that Jinnah will not continue to press his extravagant claim. If he does, I think myself, that we may definitely have to consider whether we should continue the efforts which I so far made to keep the Muslims together, whether we should not let the balance of the Muslim League as represented by Sikander and Fazlul Haq have their break with Jinnah.
But I don't want to see such a break, if we can reasonably avoid it. The British knew that behind the facade presented by Jinnah, the Muslim League was a shambles. On 28 August , he wrote, "I hope that Sikander and Fazlul Haq will be able to bring pressure on Jinnah to make him toe the line; if he does not, I shall go without him.
If 43 Facts are Facts 44 those were pulled from under him, he would fall on his face. The British had no doubt that there would always be a sufficient number of sycophants among Muslims who they could count upon. When the word got around that the British were annoyed with Jinnah, every Muslim leader started offering his services. The letter is dated 29 August You may be amused to hear that Hydari, during our conversation a few days ago, coyly hinted to me, that if there should be trouble with Jinnah and Muslim League, there was, at any rate, a very prominent Muslim, who could steer the country through the troubled waters that may lie ahead.
The Viceroy said that he thanked him, saying that the Nizam's leadership was more suited to Hydari of Hyderabad. These were "lover's quarrels", an old habit of political gamesters'! The British were deliberately giving so much importance to Jinnah and the Muslim League because they were convinced that if ever there was any talk of a settlement between the Congress and the Muslim League, Jinnah having reached a point of no return, would never agree.
He knew that the Muslim League drew its entire strength from British support. On their part, the British had agreed that either Jinnah would implement their policies or they would implement them on their own, without Jinnah: I still think it important to hold the Muslim League together if we can do so.
And in those circumstances, there is nothing for it but to be patient with Jinnah, though one's patience is beginning, definitely, to run out. During this time Jinnah made the following demand: 44 45 Facts are Facts The Muslim League should be taken into full and equal partnership with His Majesty's Government in the ruling of this country, and authority shared with them.
This implies that all Hindus, Sikhs, Christians, Parsis, Harijans, should be bypassed and the Muslim League and the British become equal partners in governance. The Muslim League had now claimed representation of the entire country. The Viceroy was about to appoint an Advisory Council which would exclude the Congress. He had already, spoken to the leader of the scheduled castes, Dr Ambedkar. Jinnah, however, refused to participate because he was not given full control of this Council.
The scheme collapsed and the Viceroy had to personally apologize to Ambedkar and Aney. At that time the Viceroy did not consider it necessary to ask Jinnah what was his representative status in the election? On 11 September the Viceroy wrote: He [Jinnah] is subjected to very considerable criticism from various sections of the community.
He had against him the Prime Ministers of the two majority Muslim provinces. The line he had taken is unsympathetic to large numbers of Muslims of position, even in Muslim minority provinces such as Bihar and U. For example, Punjab. The Party included Hindus and Sikhs. Sikander Hayat was finding the Punjab situation steadily deteriorating due to the Muslim League's insistence upon partition. These conditions prompted the non-Muslim Indians' demand that the British articulate their policy regarding Pakistan.
The Viceroy was strongly opposed to a public announcement. On 1 March he wrote, "It should not only be a mistake but it would be very near a breach of faith were we to do anything of the sort.
He expressed his desire to resign from the Committee. I think it is very important [tiresome, as its activities may be in some ways] to maintain it as a solid political entity. The British were indifferent to the condition of the Muslims, and skeptical about the viability of Pakistan.
They were using the League as an anti-Congress missile, hoping, that in case of an open challenge, they would be able to fire it at the enemy. The Secretary of State, Amery, refers to it in his letter dated 8 October Sikander Hayat proposed that the British make an official statement that if, after a given date, the various political parties were unable to arrive at a decision about a unanimous constitution, then the British Government would have no choice but to formulate a constitution of their own choice.
In the margin of this letter is a brief note in the Viceroy's handwriting, " He was successfully creating a climate which would enable the Muslims to hold out against a unified stand, unless the ultimate control was left in British hands.
Earlier, Somru had chaired a Convention of the Nationalist Muslims. Since he had no sympathies with the Muslim League, he had incurred the displeasure of the Viceroy. In response to the Viceroy's request, he presented some proposals to the Defence Council, which were an effort to forestall communal discord.
You are not one of my Advisers, but the Prime Minister of Sind I have not the least intention of telling you how I propose to handle my business and I trust you understand that.
This is my business and my responsibility. On the contrary, he personally consulted the leaders of the Muslim League on national and political issues.
His manner of speaking to a national leader was most offensive. The British spared no effort to make it clear to all Muslims that unless they paid homage to Jinnah, they would remain non-entities for them.
The British wanted to parade Jinnah and the Muslim League before an international audience. He expressed interest in meeting Gandhiji and Jawaharlal Nehru. The Viceroy wrote back saying that since he was not on speaking terms with these leaders it would be difficult to arrange a meeting. On 26 January he wrote to the Secretary of State for India, "I know you would at once take the point of his seeing Jinnah as well as the other two.
I shall have to coax him to receive the Head of the Muslim League whether he feels inclined or not. He was worried about the growing influence of Japan. First Britain, then the occupation of Singapore and Burma, and now India! Both Chiang Kai-shek and the President of the U. The Americans found it strange, that, despite the fact that the Congress had formed the Government in eight provinces, today, there was Governor's rule in each one of them.
Thus the real power rested with the British. The United States, however, insisted that today's wars could not be fought without the cooperation of the nation. The British realized that whatever they had lost in Europe could be multiplied many times over in Asia.
But for the first time they felt that they might lose India. In the light of' these new circumstances the British, once again, reviewed their 48 Facts are Facts 49 Indian policy. So far they had supported a united and federated India. The only reason for strengthening the Muslim League was to make it a worthy opponent to the Congress. Ambedkar, too, supported the political split while the power remained in British hands. When the British realised that they may have to leave India, they stopped insisting upon the creation of a Federated Union.
And the partition proposal, originally conceived as an irritant and a bargaining tactic with the Congress, was now sent in all seriousness through the good offices of Sir Stafford Cripps.
This was the year The demand for Pakistan had gathered no momentum, the Muslim League had taken no initiative. Meanwhile, the British were single-mindedly pursuing their own interests. Had the U.
To appease the U. The following letter written on 23 March , is an example of their self-serving attitude. He explained his view in his letter dated 10 March , "Consequently the entire way out and incidentally a way of gaining a little time was to send someone to discuss and negotiate. First, it bought a little time. Secondly, the United States became convinced that 49 Facts are Facts 50 the British were serious about finding a solution to this problem. The proof was that a responsible Minister of the Government was sent only for this purpose.
In their hearts, however, the British were convinced about the impossibility of reaching any agreement.
The Viceroy wrote, "After all, once it is laid down that there must be agreement, and no coercion of important minorities, then, the only conclusion is that things must wait indefinitely. The British had laid a couple of strict conditions. First, the Muslim League and the Congress had to affect a reconciliation agreement, and secondly, they had to protect the rights of the minorities.
Since these conditions could never be fulfilled who was the loser? Jinnah would never get Pakistan and the Congress would lose their eight over provinces. The British had won hands down! In his letter to Viceroy Linlithgow, Amery assured him that whatever proposals they had sent through Cripps were favourable to the British; 1 The Viceroy will have to remain not merely as constitutional Governor General but as a representative of broader Imperial aspect of Government for a good long time to come.
When the entire country is thus broken up and there is no strong Central Government, it would be impossible for the various units to maintain their military, naval and air strength. Therefore, once again, they will become dependent on the British.
In this frame of mind Amery wrote. And even if the impossible becomes possible, it would further the British cause. On 14 April , he wrote, "However, I was at pains, without delay, and before Cripps left, to sound Jinnah through Feroz Khan Noon, who has been a most useful intermediary, with the result which I have already reported to you by telegram. The British had accepted the principles of partition, but the Congress was violently opposed. And how could the Congress be overlooked?
The Congress did all the work and the Muslim League got all the plaudits! The Muslim League remained a party minus a movement, minus sacrifices, minus seats in the Elected Assemblies and minus any political power. The Stafford Cripps Mission was successful. On 6 July Despite the fact that the Muslim League was a political non-entity, the British regarded it the sole representative of all Muslims.
Another fact worth noting is that out of a population of 40 crores, the Muslims constituted only 25 per cent. On what principle did the British agree to uphold the position of the minority over the majority?
How could the British try to impose Jinnah upon the non-Muslim provinces? Would Jinnah have allowed the Congress the same right in the provinces which had a Muslim majority? The British had lost all sense of right or wrong. The truth was that the British cared neither for Muslims nor Hindus.
They only cared for the Empire. An impasse between the Congress and the Muslim League was a great advantage to the British. Therefore, they prevented the Muslim League from affecting a conciliation with the Congress. Unfortunately for them, the Muslim League got entangled in its own mesh. The power remained securely lodged with the British.
The net gain from the League's dog-inthe-manger attitude was that India fell 'smack' in the British lap. But the Congress maintained its firm stand. On no 52 Facts are Facts 53 condition was it prepared to surrender India's freedom and her right to self-determination. The British decided to compromise with their principles. So long as they could find a new weapon to use against the Congress, all was a fair game! Therefore, why not the Communists?
Any political party which opposed the Congress deserved their support; its ideology was irrelevant. Pursuant to this strategy, the Viceroy proposed removing the sanctions against the Communist Party of India. The bargain was that the Communist leader M. Roy would openly oppose the Congress. In his letter dated 7 July , Amery wrote: I believe there may be much to be said for giving much more encouragement to Roy and every kind of left wing Communist, students, peasants or trade union organisations It may be that the elements we encourage now may not be reliable in the future but they may be influenced in a better direction, in the sunshine of official favour.
It is easy to understand the British mind, but difficult to comprehend that a great leader of the Communist Party of India was prepared to compromise with a capitalist colonial regime.
Organisations of students, labour, trade unions, farmers did not hesitate to put their strength behind an anti-national force. So deftly had the British played their hand that Islam and Communism, two opposing enemy forces were prepared to work together in the service of capitalism and colonialism. The lion and the lamb were drinking from the same pool! Two sworn enemies expressed a unity of purpose in serving their common benefactor. The British heaved a sigh of relief.
Princely States, had all rallied around them. The only post to be conquered was the Congress. The United 53 Facts are Facts 54 States meanwhile, were given the impression that a solution was being sought through the Cripps Mission.
The British played the Congress-Muslim League discord at such a high level that the world attention became diverted from the real issue. Thus the British were able to appease their international critics. The Secretary of State wrote privately to the Viceroy, "The sooner you pounce on them the better. He suggested that all the leaders be exiled to Uganda. The Viceroy wrote back that Gandhi was ill. Amery replied, "Then send him to Aden. In his correspondence, the Viceroy gave the Secretary the good news that the nation was becoming disappointed in Gandhi.
That the Congress had become unpopular and did not have the strength to run the movement. Therefore, this was the best time to take on the Congress. Then they proceeded to crush the movement. Villages and processions were bombarded. Once again the prisons overflowed with freedom fighters. On the subject of air bombardment, the Viceroy wrote on 17 August I am most grateful for your support over the use of the air power against saboteurs.
I am certain that we ought not to shirk from using any of the means that are at our disposal in dealing with the movement so dangerously revolutionary as the present one. The Viceroy had foreseen the Congress intentions. He realized that they were wailing for the right opportunity. That sooner or later, when things became really tough for the British, 54 Facts are Facts 55 only then would they launch the movement in all seriousness. In the same letter he writes: We have this different and far more important reason to be thankful that we have brought on this business at a time when the war position is not such as to offer any immediate threat to India, whether from the West or from the East.
I have not the least doubt that Gandhi's plan was to wait for bad war news before raising the standard of revolt. The Congress had not declared official non-cooperation, nevertheless, the British used brute force.
It will be recalled that they had recommended whipping for political prisoners. The Secretary of State declared all terms of punishment legal only so long as there was no press. He did not want to be questioned by his own parliament, or the USA or any international body. The surge of sentiment and sacrifice that arose among the Indians came as a surprise to the British. Their advisers and informants had assured them that the nation was disillusioned with the Congress.
But the valour and sacrifice of the young and the old, the women and the children, told a different story; hence the marshalling of the entire police force, militia, army and finally, aerial bombardment! On 24 August the Viceroy wrote. The British thought that they had successfully thrown out the Congress Party. This is what happened. The nation, led by the Congress Party, made innumerable sacrifices for freedom and 55 Facts are Facts 56 the British had increasing difficulty in suppressing them.
Seeing this, Chairman Chiang Kai-shek put pressure on President Roosevelt to persuade the British to give due respect to these popular representatives of Indian public. President Roosevelt sent Chiang Kai-shek's letter to Churchill. Churchill wrote back: Congress Party in no way represents India and is strongly opposed by over 90 million Mohammadans, 40 million Untouchables, and the Indian States comprising 90 million In fact, over a million have volunteered for the army.
It was characteristic of the British to turn blind to anything that was not in their interest. They had no respect for the will of the people reflected in the members of the eight State Assemblies elected by popular vote. As for the entire Muslim Population, the British had conveniently lumped them with the Muslim League.
The growing nationalism was a continuous cause for concern. Every possible effort was underway to create cracks in the Indian national unity. Muslims were already in the bag. Harijans, thanks to Ambedkar, were also supportive. And now for the Sikhs! The Secretary of State wrote to the Viceroy and asked him to find out whether there was any possibility of the Sikhs demanding a Sikhistan, along the same lines as the Muslim League was agitating for Pakistan?
The Viceroy, who was much closer to the situation, knew that encouraging the Sikhs to demand separatism would create a tremendous rift in Punjab, and result in a two-fold disadvantage for the British.
The demand for a separate state would create a problem between the Muslims and the Sikhs, and the Congress would get off scot free.
This would be counter-productive for the British, whose real purpose was to hurt Congress. Secondly, Punjab was the prime area from which the British recruited, the army.
Therefore, it was inexpedient and untimely to create enmity between the people who would be expected to fight on the same side. On 7 September , the Viceroy wrote opposing the Secretary's proposal: I am certain that if we did show the very slightest sign of backing "Sikhistan" seriously in the least degree, not only shall we aggravate communal tension gravely in Punjab, but we should never hear the end of it.
At one time the British had suggested creating a separate State For the Harijans. This was another means of weakening the Hindus. But the Secretary of State said: "Protection of Scheduled Castes is of course impossible on a geographical basis. Although the Viceroy opposed the above scheme, he continuously sought ways of feeding the communal fire. All leaders of the Congress Party had been thrown into prison. Jinnah's statements were sounding hollow because there was no one left to offer a rejoinder.
The Congress was the undisputed hero of the freedom struggle. It had sacrificed everything in the cause of freedom, its young and old, its men, women and children.
The nation was solidly behind the Congress, not a single Indian was brazen enough to side with the British. The British were meanwhile playing a game of patience. They made friends with the Hindu Mahasabha with the intention that when the partition issue arose, they could be called into the ring and be pitted against the Muslim League.
This would serve the dual purpose of creating irreconcilable differences between Hindus 57 Facts are Facts 58 and Muslims, and show the rest of the world, [especially U. Since all Jinnah could hear was the echo of his own voice, the Congress leadership being in prison, the Hindu Mahasabha also served as the rival team for him and his party.
The Viceroy wrote on 15 December I have endeavoured to encourage the Mahasabha etc.. But I have also thought it well, for the point is a most important one, and the centre of our position, to bring out that the difficulties of this country are not due to our reluctance to transfer power, but to the fact that we have offered to transfer power. The British were clever manipulators! They were able to utilize different and opposing forces to their advantage! The Viceroy approached Hindu Mahasabha for the unity of India.
He approached the Muslim League and Jinnah for partitioning the country. This was an excellent method to set these two forces on a collision course. Jinnah had been driven to a point from where, according to the Viceroy, "The Muslims will do no business except on their own terms. The Mahasabha leaders claimed that partitioning of India was like carving up the holy cow. Both parties were firmly standing their ground. The British were making every possible effort to tell the world that they were prepared to transfer power, but for these irreconcilable differences.
The Viceroy wrote that Jinnah was beginning to make such demands that, "it is almost inconceivable that the Hindu majority could accept them. When Gandhiji started his fast there was a nationwide movement for his freedom. In a letter to the Government, Gandhiji said that the Congress had no objection if the British Government handed over the power to Jinnah and he established a Government.
This letter of Gandhiji caused worry in the British camp. But in his letter dated 16 February , the Viceroy assured the British Government that Jinnah had refused to participate in the leadership convention, and along with Liaquat Ali Khan refused Gandhiji's offer.
And his statement and that of Nawabzada Liaquat Ali Khan in the Assembly have dealt pretty effectively with the suggestion that the Muslim League are willing participants either in Gandhi's fast or in his suggestion that a National Government can be formed by them with his goodwill in a day. What more could the Congress do? To what lengths had its leaders gone for creating mutual understanding.
To the British they said that although we have won the elections and it is our right to govern, but you are free to hand over the right to Jinnah so long as India becomes self-governing. This offer elicited no response from the British, but Jinnah and Liaquat Ali are strongly opposed to forming a National Government.
A fine display of arrogance! All the deceit, cruelty, cunning, notoriety, which were characteristic of the British-Indian policy, were faithfully transcribed in the Code-Book of the Muslim League. And how proudly the League bore this ignominy. How heroically they carried the British flag of shame. If they were really concerned with Islam and the Muslim rights they would never have refused the offer to govern the whole of India.
Is it because they could not allow the British to surrender power? After all their conflict was not 59 Facts are Facts 60 with the British but with the Congress. What did they care if their enemies were languishing in prison as a consequence of their freedom struggle? The British correspondence is remarkable because of their complete candour.
They wrote back and forthwith utmost frankness, exposing many faces and personalities. They spared no one, not even themselves. On 8 February Amery wrote to the Viceroy: I don't believe you will ever get Indian politicians settling down to a reasonable discussion of their own internal problems, so long as they can shirk them by placing the blame on an alien Government.
To that extent, there is really something in Gandhi's plea that Indians can only agree once we are out of their way. Muslim Ministers: As I said earlier, when Gandhiji's fast evoked no response from the Government, a few members of the Viceroy's Council handed their resignations in disgust at this indifference.
All of these were non-Muslims. Disappointed with their attitude, the Viceroy bestowed all his attention on the Muslims. He was confident that they would never give any demonstration of self-pride or self-respect. This is exactly what happened. The Viceroy assured the Secretary of Slate that this appointment would not cause any embarrassment to the British. In his letter dated 2 May , the Viceroy said: I saw him [Azizul Haq] yesterday and gave him a talking to.
I said that I would run the Food Department myself though not publicly for the time being, and he readily accepted that public responsibility will, of course, be entirely with him, and he will have to defend the action of the Department in Public and, of course, keep in touch with what is going on inside. As regards Commerce, Industry and Civil Supplies, I begged him not to make the mistake of immersing himself in a great deal of detail, that was properly to be handled by the 60 61 Facts are Facts Secretaries, not to overload himself or slow down action by frequent interference from his high level.
He took all this very well and expressed himself ready to play. It is interesting that these non-Muslim Ministers who had resigned had been selected personally by the Viceroy himself, so also the Muslim Ministers. The difference between their characters, actions and self-respect, is the precise reason why the British placed faith in Muslims whether they were Government officials or Ministers.
At the same time Secretary of State, Amery sent instructions that the resignations of all those non-Muslims, who had supported Gandhiji's stand, be accepted. He also ordered that if there was the slightest suspicion that any non-Muslim officer was sympathetic to the Congress, he should be asked to quit his job. Give it an appropriate title so as not to mislead the public.
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